Manila
EN BANC
G.R. No. 89914 November 20, 1991
JOSE F.S. BENGZON JR., ABELARDO TERMULO, JOSE MANTECON, VICENTE MILLS JR., LEONARDO GAMBOA, KURT BACHMANN JR., JOSE V.E. JIMENEZ, ERNESTO CALUYA, AGERICO UNGSON, SUSAN ROXAS, ELVIE CASTILLO, and CYNTHIA SABIDO LIMJAP, petitioners,
vs.
THE SENATE BLUE RIBBON COMMITTEE AND ITS MEMBERS, represented by and through the CHAIRMAN, HON. WIGBERTO TAÑADA, respondents, JOSE S. SANDEJAS, intervenor.
Bengzon, Zarraga, Narciso, Cudala, Pecson & Bengson for petitioners.
Balgos & Perez for intervening petitioner.
Eddie Tamondong and Antonio T. Tagaro for respondents.
Separate Opinion
PARAS, J., concurring:
I concur principally because any decision of the respondent committee may unduly influence the Sandiganbayan
Separate Opinion
GUTIERREZ, JR., J., dissenting:
I regret that I must express a strong dissent the Court's opinion in this case.
The Court is asserting a power which I believe we do not possess. We are encroaching on the turf of Congress. We are prohibiting the Senate from proceeding with a consitutionally vested function. We are stopping the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee from exercising a legislative prerogative — investigations in aid of legislation. We do so becuase we somehow feel that the purported aim is not the real purpose.
The Court has no power to second guess the motives behind an act of a House of Congress. Neither can we substitute our judgment for its judgment on a matter specifically given to it by the Constitution. The scope of the legislative power is broad. it emcompasses practically every aspect of human or corporate behavior capable of regulation. How can this Court say that unraveling the tangled and secret skeins behind the acquisition by Benjamin "Kokoy" Romualdez of 39 corporations under the past regime and their sudden sale to the Lopa Group at the outset of the new dispensation will not result in useful legislation?
The power of either House of Congress to conduct investigations is inherent. It needs no textual grant. As stated in Arnault v. Nazareno, 87 Phil. 29 (1950)
Our form of government being patterned after the American system — the framers of our Constitution having drawn largely from American institutions and practices — we can, in this case, properly draw also from American precedents in interpreting analogous provisions of our Constitution, as we have done in other cases in the past.
Although there is no provision in the Constitution expressly investing either House of Congress with power to make investigations and exact testimony to the end that it may exercise its legislative functions advisely and effectively, such power is so far incidental to the legislative function as to be implied. In other words, the power of inquiry — with process to enforce it — is an essential and appropriate auxiliary to the legislative function. A legislative body cannot legislate wisely or effectively in the absence of information respecting the conditions which the legislation is intended to affect or change: and where the legislative body does not itself possess the requisite information — which is not infrequently true — recourse must be had to others who do possess it. ... (At p. 45)
The framers of the present Constitution were not content to leave the power inherent, incidental or implied. The power is now expressed as follows:
Sec. 21 — The Senate or the House of Representatives or may of its respective committees may conduct inquiries in aid of legialtion in accordance with its duly published rules of precedure. The rights of persons appearing in or affected by such inquiries shall be respected.
Apart from the formal requirement of publishing the rules of procedure, I agree that there are three queries which, if answered in the affirmative, may give us cause to intervene.
First, is the matter being investigated one on which no valid legislation could possibly be enacted?
Second, is Congress encroaching on terrain which the Constitution has reserved as the exclusive domain of another branch of government?
And third, is Congress violating the basic liberties of an individual?
The classic formulation of the power of the Court to interpret the meaning of "in aid of legislation" is expressed in Kilbourn v. Thompson, 103 U.S. 168 (1880).
The House of Representatives passed a resolution creating a committee to investigate the financial relations between Jay Cooke and Co., a depositary of federal funds and a real estate pool. A debtor of Jay Cooke and Co, Kilbourn, general manager of the pool refused to answer questions put to him by the Committee and to produce certain book sna papers. Consequently, he was ordered jailed for forty-five days. He brought an action for false imprisonment and the Supreme Court decided in his favor.
Speaking through Justice Miller, the Court ruled:
The resolution adopted as a sequence of this preamble contains no hint of any intention of final action by Congress on the subject, In all the argument of the case no suggestion has been made of what the House of Respresentatives or the Congress could have done in the way of remedying the wrong or securing the creditors of Jay Cooke and Co., or even the United States. Was it to be simply a fruitless investigation into the personal affiars of individuals? If so the House of Representatives had no power or authority in the matter more than any other equal number of gentlemen interested for the government of their country. By fruitless we mean that it could result in no valid legislation on the subject to which the inquiry referrred. (Kilbourn v. Thompson, Id. at page 388)
The Kilbourn decision is, however, crica 1880. The world has turned over many times since that era. The same court which validated separate but equal facilities against of racial discrimination and ruled that a private contract may bar improved labor standards and social justice legislation has reversed itslef on these and many other questions.
In McGrain v. Daugherty, 273 U.S. 135; 71 L. Ed. 580 [1927], the court went beyond the express terms of the Senate resolution directing the investigation of a former Attorney General for non-feasance, misfeasance, and malfeasance in office. It presumed that the action of the Senate was with a legitimate object.
... Plainly the subject was one on which legislation could be had and would be materially aided by the information which the investigation was calculated to elicit. This becomes manifest when it is reflected that the functions of the Department of Justice, the powers and duties of the Attorney-General and the duties of his assitants, are all subject to regulation by congressional legislation, and that the department is maintained and its activitites are carried on under such appropriations as in the judgment of Congress are needed from year to year.
The only legitimate object the Senate could have in ordering the investigation was to aid it in legislating, and we think the subject was the real object. An express avowal of the object would have been better; but in view of the particular subject matter was not indispenable. In People ex rel. Mc Donald v. Keeler, 99, N.Y. 463, 52 Am. Rep. 49, 2 N.E. 615, where the Court of Appeals of New york sustained an investigation order by the House of Representatives of that state where the resolution contained no avowal, but disclosed that it definitely related to the administrative of public office the duties of which were subject to legislative regulation, the court said (pp. 485, 487): Where public institutions under the control of the State are ordered to be investigated, it is generally with the view of some legislative action respecting them, and the same may be said in respect of public officers,' And again "We are bound to presume that the action of the legislative body was with a legitimate object if it is capable of being so construed, and we have no right to assume that the contrary was intended." (McGrain v. Daugherty Id., at page 594-595, Emphasis supplied)
The American Court was more categorical in United States v. Josephson, 333 U.S. 858 (1938). It declared that declaration of legislative purpose was conclusive on the Courts:
Whatever may be said of the Committee on the un-American activities, its authorizing resolution recites it is in aid of legislation and that fact is establshed for courts.
And since the matter before us in somethingwe inherited from the American constitutional system, rulings from the decision of federal courts may be apropos. (Stamler v. Willis, 287 F. Supp. 734 [1968]
The Court cannot probe into the motives of the members of the Congress.
Barsky v. United States, 167 F. 2d 241 [1948]
The measure of the power of inquiry is the potentiality that constitutional legislation might ensue from information derived from such inquiry.
The possibility that invalid as well as valid legislation might ensue from an inquiry does not limit the power of inquiry, since invalid legislation might ensue from any inquiry.
United States v. Shelton, 148 F. Supp. 926 [1957]
The contention of the defendant that the hearing at which he testified and from which the indictment arose was not in furtherance og a legislative purpose proceeds on the assumption that a failure to have specific legislation in contemplation, or a failure to show that legislation was in fact enacted, estabished an absence of legislative purpose. This argument is patently unsound. The investigative power of Congress is not subject to the limitation that hearings must result in legislation or recommendations for legislation.
United States v. Deutch (147 F. Supp. 89 (1956)
Under the Constitution of the U.S., the Federal Government is a government of limited powers. The Congress, being the legislative branch of the Federal Government, is also clothed with limited legislative powers. In orders, however, to carry its legislative powers into effect successfully, it has always been held that Congress has the power to secure information concerning matters in respect to which it has the authority to legislate. In fact, it would seem that Congress must secure information in order to legislate intelligently. Beyond that, the Congress has the right secure information in order to determine whether or not to legislate on a particular subject matter on which it is within its constitutional powers to act. — (Emphasis Supplied)
The even broader scope of legislative investigation in the Philippine context is explained by a member of the Constitutional Commission.
The requirement that the investigation be "in aid of legislation" is an essential element for establishing the jurisdiction of the legislative body. It is, however, a requirement which is not difficult to satisfy becuase, unlike in the United States, where legislative power is shared by the United State Congress and the states legislatures, the totality of legislative power is possessed by the Congress nad its legislative field is well-nigh unlimited. "It would be difficult to define any limits by which the subject matter of its inquiry can be bounded." (Supra, at p. 46) Moreover, it is not necessary that every question propounded to a witness must be material to a proposed legislation. "In other words, the materiality of the question must be determined by its direct relation to the subject of the inquiry and not by its indirect relation to any proposed or possible legislation. The reason is that the necessity or lack of necessity for legislative action and form and character of the action itself are determined by the sum total of the information to be gathered as a result of the investigation, and not by a fraction to be gathered as a result of the investigation, and not by a fraction of such information elicited from a single question. (Id., at 48)
On the basis of this interpretation of what "in aid of legislation" means, it can readily be seen that the phrase contributes practically nothing towards protecting witnesses. Practically any investigation can be in aid of the broad legislative power of Congress. The limitation, therefore cannot effectively prevent what Kilbourn v. Thompson (103 U.S. 168 [1880]) characterized as "roving commissions" or what Watkins v. United States (354 U.S. 178, 200 [1957] labeled as exposure for the sake of exposure. (Bernas, Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Vol. II, 1st Ed., page 132).
Applying the above principles to the present casem, it can readily be seen that the Senate is investigating an area where it may potentially legislate. The ease with which relatives of the President were allegedly able to amass great wealth under the past regime is a legitimate area of inquiry. And if we tack on the alleged attempts o f relatives of a succeeding adminsitration to duplicate the feat, the need for remedial legislation becomes more imperative.
Our second area of concern is congressional encroachment on matters reserved by the Constitution for the Executive or the Judiciary.
The majority opinion cites the decision in Angara v. Electoral Commission, 63 Phil. 139 (1936) explaining our power to determined conflicting claims of authority. It is indeed the function on this Court to allocate constitutional boundaries but in the exercise of this "umpire" function we have to take care that we do not keep any of the three great departments of government from performing functions peculiar to each department or specifically vested to it sby the Constitution. When a power is vested, ti carries with is everything legitimately neede to exercise it.
It may be argued that the investigation into the Romualdez — Lopa transactions is more appropriate for the Department of Justice and the judiciary. This argument misses the point of legislative inquiry.
The prosecution of offenders by the Department of Justice or the Ombudsman and their trial before courts of justice is intended to punish persons who violate the law. Legislative investigations go further. The aim is to arrive at policy determinations which may or may not be enacted into legislation. Referral to prosecutors or courts of justice is an added bonus. For sure, the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee knows it cannot sentence any offender, no matter how overwhelming the proof that it may gatherm to a jail term. But certainly, the Committee can recommend to Congress how the situation which enabled get-rich-quick schemes to flourish may be remedied. The fact that the subject of the investigation may currently be undergoing trial does not restrict the power of Congress to investigate for its own purposes. The legislative purpose is distinctly different from the judicial purpose.
In Sinclair v. United States, 279 U.S. 263, 73 L ed. 692 (1928), leases of naval reservations to oil companies were investigated by the United States Senate. On a finding that certain leases were fraudulent, court action was recommended. In other words, court action on one hand and legislation on the other, are not mutually exclusive. They may complement each other.
... It may be conceded that Congress is without authority to compel disclosyres for the purpose of aiding the prosecution of pending suits; but the authority of that body, directly or through it Committees, to require pertinent disclosures in aid of its own consitutional power is not abridged because the information sought to be elicited may also be of use in such suits... It is plain that investigation of the matters involved in suits brought or to be commenced under the Senate resolution directing the institution of suits for the cancellation of the leases might directly aid in respect of legislative action... (Sinclair v. United States, Id.at page 698).
In United States v. Orman, 207 F. 2d Ed. 148 (1953), the court declared that it was pertinent for a legislative committee to seek facts indicating that a witness was linked to unlawful intestate gambling.
The power of a congressional committee to investigate matters cannot be challenged on the ground that the Committee went beyond the scope of any contemplated legislative and assumed the functions of a grand jury. Whre the genral subject of investigation is one concerning which Congress can legislate, and the information sought might aid the congressional consideration, in such a situation a legitimate legislative purpose must be presumed...
I submit that the filing of indictments or informations or the trial of certain persons cannot, by themselves, half the intitiation or stop the progress of legislative investigations.
The other ground which I consider the more important one is where the legislative investigation violates the liberties of the witnesses.
The Constitution expressly provides that "the rights of persons appearing in or affected by such inquiries shall be respected.
It should be emphasized that the constitutional restriction does not call for the banning or prohibition of investigations where a violation of a basis rights is claimed. It only requires that in the course of the proceedings, the right of persons should be respected.
What the majority opinion mandates is a blanket prohibition against a witness testifying at all, simply because he is already facing charges before the Sandiganbayan. To my mind, the Consitution allows him to interpose objections whenever an incriminating question is posed or when he is compelled to reveal his ocurt defenses, but not ot refuse to take the witness stand completely.
Arnault v. Nazareno, supra, illustrates the reticence, with which the court views petitions to curtail legislative investigations even where an invocation of individual liberties is made.
In Arnault, the entire country already knew the name of the presidential realtive whom the Sentate was trying to link to the Tambobong-Buenavista estate anomalies. Still, the Court did not interfere when Arnault refused to answer specific questions directed at him and he was punished for hir refusal. The Court did not restrain the Senate when Arnault was sent o the national penitentiary for an indefinite visit until the name which the Senate wanted him to utter was extracted. Only when the imprisonment became ureasonably prolonged and the situation in Congress had changed was he released.
As pointed out by the respondents, not one question has been asked requiring an answer that would incriminate the petitioners.ℒαwρhi৷ The allegation that their basic rights are vilolated is not only without basis but is also premature.
I agree with the respondents that the slae of 39 Romualdez corporations to Mr. Lopa is not a purely private transaction into which the Senate may not inquire. if this were so, much of the work of the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) as it seeks to recover illegally acquired wealth would be negated. Much of what PCGG is trying to recover is the product of arrangements which are not only private but also secret and hidden.
I therefore, vote to DISMISS the petition.
Narvasa, J., dissents.
Separate Opinion
CRUZ, J., dissenting:
I regret I am unable to give my concurrence, I do not agree that the investigation being conducted by the Blue Ribbon Committee is not in aid of legislation.
In Arnault v. Nazareno, 87 Phil. 29, this Court observed that "we are bound to presume that the action of the legislative body was with a legitimate object if it is capable of being so construed, and we have no right ot assume that the contrary was intended." (People ex rel. Mc Donald vs. Keeler, 99 N.Y. 463; 52 Am. Rep., 49; 2 N.E., 615, quoted with approval by the U.S. Supreme Court in McGrain vs. Daugherty, 273 U.S. 135). As far as I know, that is still the rule today.
More importantly, the presumption is supported by the established facts. The inquiry is sustainable as an implied of power the legislature and even as expressly limited by the Constitution.
The inquiry deals with alleged manipulations of public funds and illicit acquisitions of properties now being claimed by the PCGG for the Republic of the Philippines. The purpose of the Committee is to ascertain if and how such anomalies have been committed. It is settled that the legislature has a right to investigate the disposition of the public funds it has appropriated; indeed, "an inquiry into the expenditure of all public money is na indispensable duty of the legislature." Moreover, an investigation of a possible violation of a law may be useful in the drafting of amendatory legislation to correct or strengthen that law.
The ponencia quotes lengthily from Senator Enrile's speech and concludes that it "contained no suggestions of contemplated legislation; he merely called upon the Senate to look into a possible violation of section 5 of R.A. No. 3019." However, according to McGrain v. Daugherty, supra:
Primarily, the purpose for which legislative inquiry and investigation is pursued is to serve as an aid in legislation. Through it, the legislature is able to obtain facts or data in aid fo proposed legislation. However, it is not necessary that the resolution ordering an investigation should in terms expressly state that the object of the inquiry is to obtain data in aid of proposed legislation. It is enough that such purpose appears from a consideration of the entire proceedings or one in which legislation could be had and would be materially aided by the information which the investigation was calculated to elicit. An express avowal of the object would be better, but such is not indispensable. (Emphasis supplied).
The petitioner's contention that the questioned investigation would compel them to reveal their defense in the cases now pending against them in the Sandigangbayan is untenable. They know or should know that they cannot be compelled to answer incriminating questions. The case of Chavez v. Court of Appeals, 24 SCRA 663, where we held that an accused may refuse at the outset to take the stand on the ground that the questions to be put by the prosecutor will tend to incriminate him is, of course, not applicable to them. They are not facing criminal charges before the Blue Ribbon Committee. Like any ordinary witness, they can invoke the right against self-incrimination only when and as the incriminating question is propounded.
While it is true that the Court is now allowed more leeway in reviewing the traditionally political acts of the legislative and executive departments, the power must be exercised with the utmost circumspection lest we unduly trench on their prerogatives and disarrange the constitutional separation of powers. That power is available to us only if there is a clear showing of a grave abuse of discretion, which I do not see in the case at bar.
Guided by the presumption and the facts, I vote to DISMISS the petition.
Narvasa, J., dissents.
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